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Is there a particular topic of women’s history (1870 to the present) that you would like to know more about? Maybe a historical event or individual who interests you, or how the profession you work in (or would like to) has evolved for women over the years? You have wide latitude in choosing your topic, but it first must be approved by your instructor. Be sure that your topic is one that will sustain you throughout the semester.
Your topic statement should be a full paragraph describing the topic and the dates that will be included in your research. A thesis statement is the “why” you want to ask about the topic you’re researching.; it explains what you want to discover about your topic. For example, if you are researching the woman suffrage movement in which women agitated for the right to vote, you might want to investigate if the movement included all populations of women or, if not, who was excluded and why. HIST 377 7380 U.S. Women’s History: 1870 to 2000 (2228) – Learning Resources
1. Instructor’s Lectures
2. Pathways to Equality: The Women’s Rights Movement Emerges (online exhibit)
3. Creating a Female Political Culture (online exhibit)
4. Women’s Sports History (online exhibit) https://artsandculture.google.com/story/TAVxl3xbVhcMJA https://www.womenshistory.org/articles/womens-sports-history https://www.womenshistory.org/exhibits/pathways-equality Lecture #1
Were now starting week 2 and are moving into a time of enormous change, not only for American women, but for the nation and for the world. We’ll examinewomen in the early decades of the 20thcentury, when the U.S. and the worldunderwent tremendous changes due to the First World War and the rapid growth of industrialism, technology and urbanization. In other words, the world became modernand so did women.
How does change occur in the position of women in society? The formula for change includes a complex mesh of economic, social, and power relationships that varies with the issue and the times. In that shifting formula, one of the most important elements is women’s desire and determination to create change, to use power directly and indirectly to improve their lives and the lives of others. Women were not merely victims or second-class citizens allowing things to happen to them throughout history. That idea is no longer a viable historical concept. We know that women have ceaselessly worked to change laws, working conditions, and political systems. As one historian has said, “The history of women is a history of struggle.
This module introduces women who led some of those struggles. They were women who defined themselves differently and moved beyond traditional roles, breaking barriers and overcoming obstacles to create change. As leaders in public life, these women shared certain characteristics. Many came from middle-class or comfortable backgrounds and were well-educated for women of their time.
During this time period, the demographics of womens lives changed:
They tended to marry less often, had fewer children, and divorced more frequently.
Almost 40 percent never married.
Thirty-five percent of the married women had no children who survived infancy.
Of those who married, 40 percent were divorced, some more than once.
More than 10 percent were widowed within the first 10 years of marriage, making those with young children, single mothers.
Many began their serious public work only after their children were grown.
No matter what their marital circumstances, many of these women formed close and long-lasting friendships with other women, continuing the tradition of mutual support that had marked women’s lives in earlier times.
This information comes from a remarkable four-volume biographical dictionary of women,Notable American Women: A Biographical Dictionary.The volumes include women who died between 1607 and 1975, over 11,800 entries! It is a rich resource for women’s history. A companion volume to this set isBlack Women in America: An Historical Encyclopediaedited by Darlene Clark Hine, Elsa Barkley Brown, and Rosalyn Terborg-Penn. This latter volume contains 640 biographical essays on African American women who were active leaders in political activities, reform, religious work, the professions, and education.
What do these characteristics tell us about how women prominent in public life differed from other women? The statistical information shows us how their life cycles differed from those of ordinary women as well as those of men. We can see that throughout much of the twentieth century, women who forged new paths and deviated from the life stages prescribed by dominant cultural normsbypassing marriage or motherhood, for exampleachieved goals we usually associate historically with men. Those women who did become mothers, housewives, and spouses achieved their goals later in life. Unlike men, their domestic obligations appeared to hinder their active participation in public life.
What these group characteristics do not tell us, however, is what motivated women to set nontraditional goals for themselves and what they, themselves, thought about what they did. That’s where women’s life stories come in. Whether through autobiographies or biographies, women’s stories literally “give life” to movements that often seem a collection of forces, events, and abstract ideas. Below, we discuss the value of life histories in understanding women’s history
Lecture #2
Id like to examine the major domestic and international events in sections this week: womens roles in the Progressive era and the New Woman; the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920; and then World War I, called the war to end all wars”–but unfortunately, it didntit just opened the way for the bloodiest century in the history of humankind the 20th century. More people were killed in wars during the 20th century than in the whole of recorded history. Here’s an overview of how women in all nations pitched in for the war effort: “Against Their Own Weakness”: Policing Sexuality
and Women in San Antonio, Texas,
during World War I
COURTNEY Q. SHAH
Lower Columbia College
IN MARCH 1918 AN EDITORIAL in the. San Antonio Express urged the
city government of San Antonio, Texas, to work with the military to clean
up the city and make it a fit place for soldiers to train and people to live: “The
old proverb, ‘What is sauce for the goose is sauce for the gander,’ is working
out beautifiilly in those cities where the army camps are located. The army
is the goose and the general public is the gander. . . . The Covernment has
determined on certain conditions for the army camps, and these conditions
are of necessity forced upon the community.” The “sauce” referred to was re-
strictions on certain “immoral” actions, particularly drinking and prostitution.
The editorial advocated prohibiting alcohol in town and ending prostitution
not only for moral improvement and for die greater war effort but also for
tlie concrete economic advantages inherent in complying with military orders.
“The choice is clear and plain; it is a choice between the liquor business and
die army business…. The deciding element is the dollar.” The editorial also
struck a moral argument: “The old idea that patriotism was a Fourth of July
celebration, was a narrow view. Now we are exercising the patriotic virtues
at the table, the pantry, in the bank, on the train, in moral sanitation, and in
temperance reform…. The outcome will be seen in a greater and purer city.” ‘
San Antonio serves as a useil case study of vice control because of its
large population of soldiers, its triracial community, and the presence there
of the Live Oak female detention home.^ The national military and civilian
‘ “Sauce for the Gander,” San Antonio Express, 3 March 1918.
^ The 1920 U.S. census enumerated a population of 161,379 for San Antonio, of which
8.9 percent were African American. The U.S. census data categorized Mexican Americans
as white, but it can be inferred that of the 22.7 percent “foreign-born white” population, a
considerable proportion came from Mexico (U.S. Bureau of the Census, Fourteenth Census
of the United States Taken in the Tear 1920, vol. 3 [Washington, D.C.: Government Printing
Office, 1921-23], 1015).
Journal of the History of Sexuality, Vol. 19, No. 3, September 2010
2010 by the University of Texas Press, P.O. Box 7819, Austin, TX 78713-7819
458
Sexuality and Women in San Antonio 459
reform literature often used San Antonio as an example of a town that had
successfully cleaned itself tip. For these reasons San Antonio could be seen
as an ideal btit not a typical representadve of odier southern cities with
military encampments. In contrast, the city of El Paso, Texas, was often
ridiculed as a failure.
San Antonio’s andvice campaign during World War I demonstrates three
important aspects of the Progressive Era’s sexual agenda and how gender
played a crucial role in antivice acdvism. First, women played on their
maternal, pure reputadons to carve a niche for themselves as polidcal acdv-
ists, social workers, and police officers. The government and city activists
advocated punishment as well as rehabilitation or education. Second, die
andvice campaign clearly delineated differences between women of different
classes and ethnic idenddes. Accordingly, while middle-class white reformers
used the andvice campaign as a path to greater polidcal power, in so doing
they denied the same right and privileges to working-class and nonwhite
women. Third, women who had previously been viewed as the victims of
prostitudon were labeled (and treated) as a powerful and dangerous force
in their own right. Women’s “kliaki fever” and tinbridled sexuality were
viewed as threats to the health of soldiers, the war effort, and the very
standards of American society.
SEX AND THE SOUTHERN CITY: CLEANING U P VICE IN SAN ANTONIO
In 1917 San Antonio stood poised as a major boomtown and center for
military activities. San Antonio offered a warm climate, ample railroad
connections, and military installadons remaining from die army’s incur-
sion into Mexico in 1916 in pursuit of Pancho Villa. With good reason,
San Antonio expected to be a major base for the training and stadoning of
troops. The town boasted 133,000 permanent residents, who were joined
by the beginning of 1918 by about 80,000 soldiers, 25,000 family members
of servicemen, and 20,000 other temporary visitors.’
Such an influx of peopleand government money^would surely benefit
the town as a whole: “San Antonio is the army center of the United States.
We have 70,000 soldiers here-one cantonment, an army post, aviadon
fields, officers’ schools, rifle ranges, and odier camps.”* The municipal and
economic leaders of San Antonio understood the benefits of keeping a
military base in the area. An rdele in the San Antonio Express remarked:
“War, the greatest ill wind creation kjiows, has blown good to the big City
‘ “New Year Sees Prosperity and Populadon of 250,000,” San Antonio Express, 1 Janu-
ary 1918.
” Harrol B. Ayres, “Democracy at WorkSan Antonio Being Reborn,” Journal of Social
Hygiene 4-, no. 2 (1918): 211.
460 COURTNEY Q . SHAH
of Texas, good in measureless fashion.”^ Officials worried that the city’s
historical toleration of vice, its racially diverse population, and its relative
proximity to Mexico detracted from the city’s assets.
After the war, however, social hygiene advocates described San Antonio
as a major success story in direct contrast to another Texas city. El Paso.
El Paso illustrated the dangers of refusing to join in the military’s fight
against venereal disease and prostitution. In the spring of 1917 the federal
government designated both San Antonio and El Paso supply depots for
the army. The Social Hyriene Bulletin warned that southwestern cities
like San Antonio and especially El Paso had a “serious obstacle” in their
“presence of Mexican and Indian laborers who are unintelligent in these
matters [of vice] and impatient of any regulative measures.”* Officials also
worried about the sale of alcohol because of a fear tliat drunkenness would
contribute to prostitution. It was concern over liquor and women that
made one city a military success story, the other a noted failure. Despite
pressure and threats from the government. El Paso retained a “zone of
tolerance” for prostitution. El Paso had made a name for itself at the end
of the nineteenth century as a “sin city” and a popular tourist attraction for
cowboys, miners, and other transitory residents of the American Southwest.
Historian Ann R. Gabbert notes that the town’s quasi-regulated prostitu-
tion industry helped fund police salaries and keep taxes low. City leaders
received political contributions from brothelkeepers and feared alienating
their voting clientele. Behind other arguments, the city’s officials assumed
that any effort to close down vice in El Paso would merely push clients (and
their money) over the border into Jurez, Mexico. Efforts to curtail com-
mercialized vice (especially drinking and prostitution) in El Paso had met
with constant failure in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.’
San Antonio would take a different tack.
San Antonio newspapers extolled the virtues of and enumerated the
profits to be had from a military presence. Yet in order to receive these
benefits San Antonio had to tackle a major problem: sex. According to
northeastern stereotypes of the day, both southerners and westerners toler-
ated the presence of prostitution and liquor. San Antonio could be identified
as both southern and western, a booming frontier town with a Mexican
* “The World Is Sizing Up San Antonio Which Has Jumped into Big LeagueLondon
Told We Are ‘the Wonder City,'” San Antonio Express, 4 November 1917.
* “Law Enforcement Notes,” Social Hygiene Bulletin 5, no. 4 (1918): 8.
‘ Ann R. Gabbert, “Prostitution and Moral Reform in the Borderlands: El Paso,
1890-1920,” Journal of the History of Sexuality 12, no. 4 (2003): 575-604. See also Garna
L. Christian, “Newton Baker’s War on El Paso Vice,” Red River Valley Historieal Review 5,
no. 2 (1980): 56. Christian details El Paso’s failure to secure training camps because of the
town’s poor record fighting prostitution.
Sexuality and Women in San Antonio 461
and Confederate heritage. Officials in the War Department feared that the
city’s lax enforcement of vice regulations would contribute to dangerous
levels of venereal disease and disorderly conduct. In response, national or-
ganizations like the American Social Hygiene Association (ASHA) as well
as local San Antonio women’s clubs took it upon themselves to clean up
the city and make it a model for other cantonment towns. Their success
required intense pressure on the local municipal authorities and police force
and a crackdown on the civil rights of women, especially those from racial
minorities. Progressive reformers targeted groups based on race, gender,
and relative power, demonstrating the dangerous side effect of social engi-
neering in times of war.
San Antonio stood to benefit immensely from the military presence.
Despite steady population growth, the town’s shipping and manufacturing
industries struggled financially, since it lacked a water port. After 1910,
however, its population boomed as thousands of Mexicans took refuge
from the Mexican Revolution and fled from the Rio Grande valley. The
boomtown witnessed an even bigger boom as training camps and airfields
moved into the surrounding area even before World War I, as San Antonio
became a launching point for the Mexican Punitive Expedition.
The war promised economic security and prosperity to a region that had
suffered its share of economic hardships. “San Antonio has never experi-
enced such prosperity as she is experiencing today,” said Mayor Sam C. Bell
in October 1917. The town and the surrounding territory hosted Camp
BuUis, Camp Stanley, and Camp Travis for the training of infantry. Camp
Travis alone hosted over 100,000 soldiers over the duration ofthe war. In
addition, San Antonio became a leader in the new field of aviation, home
to Brooks Field, Kelly Field, and Stinson Field for the training of aviators.
The San Antonio Express noted that both the city and the surrounding rural
community benefited from the influx of government money, especially in
real estate.” A 1918 editorial mentioned the benefits to the government
of such cooperation between municipality and military: “In the midst of
a [drought]-stricken country we have been prosperous because of the
war conditions.”‘
Newspaper editorials employed multiple justifications for supporting a
major vice crackdown in San Antonio and demonstrate several key aspects
of moral policing during World War I. They mentioned the concerns of
businessmen, noting that a military presence meant a financial boom to
the local economy. They placed the vice crusade in a larger Progressive
8 u’San Antonio Realty Now on Safe and Solid Basis,” San Antonio Express, 14 October 1917.
‘The War and San Antonio,” San Antonio Express, 27 January 1918.
462 C O U R T N E Y Q. S H A H
campaign for moral uplift. And they equated soldiers with civilians in terms
of moral policing. Propagandists in the War Department used patriodsm,
efficiency, and nadonal destiny to instill heightened moral codes in soldiers,
and city officials did the same to civilians. San Antonio, which hosted over
70,000 soldiers during the war, also policed its civilians, arguing that what
was good for the army was good for the community as a whole.
Did the old adage of goose and gander also apply to an expansive sex
educadon curriculum? ASHA and the War Department’s Commission on
Training Camp Acdvides (CTCA) advocated sex educadon for soldiers,
but strategies accepted by the army were not always considered beneficial
for civilians.'” Sdll, in many areas adjacent to training camps and military
bases the disdnction was blurred by the emergency educational programs
and the iron fist of legal enforcement. The fervor widi which the military
embraced sex education spilled over into civilian life, suggesdng that the
government saw litde difference between soldiers and civilians in facilitadng
an efficient and patriodc war effort. Government advertising to save food
and buy bonds encouraged those not serving abroad such as women and
industrial workers to take part in the war effort. Propaganda also encouraged
civilians to “live straight,” avoid venereal disease, and serve their nadon as
moral guardians of the American way.
If civilians were considered for their possible contdbudons to the war effort,
they were also regarded as possible threats to it, which jusdfied the military’s
expansion into civilian reguladon. By 1918 the military had determined that
most soldiers did not become infected with venereal diseases while in the army
but came to the army already infected. Studies consistendy attdbuted five-sixths
of venereal infecdons to civilian life and only one-sixth to those infected while
under the watchflil eye of the military.” Thus, in order to protect soldiers
the problem had to be stopped at the root: civilian life. Women represented
the largest perceived threat to the moral side of the war effort. Yet women’s
role in the war effort was muldfaceted. They were celebrated as mothers and
as workers and representadons of American purity, but they could endanger
men’s fighting capacity through sexual immorality and disease. For this reason,
representadons of women in the wardme sex educadon crusade often reduced
them to either good girls (mothers, sisters, and sweethearts) who served as the
modvadon to keep up soldiers’ morale or bad girls (prosdtutes and “charity
girls” but also women unlucky enough to be in the wrong place at the wrong
‘” For more on sex education in the U.S. military, see Nancy K. Bristow, Making Men
Moral: Social Engineering during the Great War (New York: New York University Press,
1996); Allan M. Brandt, No Magie Bullet: A Soeial History of Venereal Disease in the United
States sinee 1880 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), chaps. 2 -3 .
” M. J. Exner, “Prostitution and Its Relation to the Army on the Mexican Border,” Journal
of Soeial Hygiene 3, no. 2 (1917): 214.
Sexuality and Women in San Antonio 463
time).’^ Deviant girls were labeled a menace to soldiers and the war effort.
Reformers saw sex education and the policing of sexuality as part of a program
of defense against tlireats to the war effort. They aimed to guide people to die
ideals of die chaste, patriotic life and to piuiish and coerce those who strayed.
World War I exacerbated divisions between women based on class and racial
identity, so the modest gains made by white middle-class women dirough
collaboration with antivice crusades were often achieved to die detriment of
younger, poorer, more marginalized women.
The example of San Antonio illustrates that efforts to police the sexual
behavior of civilian women during World War I viewed women, especially
poor and nonwhite women, as a threat to soldiers. Whereas soldiers re-
ceived treatment and education regarding venereal diseases, elites viewed
womena newly recognized source of sexual danger and consequentiy a
threat to the war effortas criminals to be punished and detained. The
federal government touted San Antonio, unlike other neighboring towns,
as the success story of a town working in conjunction with die national
government to close down its vice district, corral its multiracial population,
and channel its women’s reform impulses into positive results. In addition,
the middle-class white clubwomen of San Antonio used the antivice cam-
paign as a way to ftirther their own political and moral ends but with litde
success and at the cost of working-class and minority women’s freedom.
“GIRLS AND KHAKI”
Prior to the war ASHA advocates had constructed arguments favoring
limited sex education programs for women and girls. Within the white
middle-class American population sex education was viewed more as a tool
for protecting girls from male sexual exploitation than for fostering sexual
self-awareness. Class and racial assumptions complicated reformers’ image
of girlhood and sexual maturity because they assumed that white middle-
class girls had a differentand purersexual experience from other girls.
Evidence of a girl’s sexual precocity or aggressiveness lowered her class and
racial status and placed her outside the realm of male protection.
By the early twentieth century reformers had begun to acknowledge that
not all girls were sexually “passionless.”‘^ Elizabeth Lunbeck’s analysis of
‘ 1 use Kathy Peiss’s term, “charity girls,” to represent a broad grouping of young women
who, well before the war, began experimenting with sexual activity either in exchange for
gifts and entertainment or for their own social and sexual fulfillment. See her Cheap Amuse-
ments: Working Women and Leisure in Turn-of-the-Century New fork (Philadelphia: Temple
University Press, 1986), 110-13.
” The term “passionless” comes from Nancy Cott’s work on nineteenth-century wom-
anhood. See her “Passionless: An Interpretation of Victorian Sexual Ideology, 1790-1850,”
Sijjns: A Journal of Women in Culture and SoeietyA (1978): 219-36.
464 COURTNEY Q. SHAH
early psychiatrists’ atdtudes about women’s sexuality, for example, notes the
discourse on and diagnosis of women as potentially hypersexual, although
class and racial hierarchies sdll tended to use the label for those women out-
side of the white middle class. Wage-earning girls often gained such a label.
“Psychiatrists saw these women as sick; middle-class social workers, bonded
by gender but distanced by class, saw them as vicdms and sought both to
protect and to discipline them.”‘* In fact, what was abnormal among white
adolescent girls was expected among blacks. As Liuibeck demonstrates, “The
fooling with boys that was a definite symptom of psychopathy in white girls
was in blacks only the expression of the natural immorality of the race.”‘^
During wardme female hypersexuality took on new and treacherous
meanings. Parents, reformers, and the military police decried the effects of
“khaki fever”: the appeal of a man in uniform. For many adolescent girls
and young women, patriotism did not mean adhering to the War Depart-
ment’s standards of chastity. Rather, they apparendy saw it as their patriotic
duty to be sexually available to the soldiers.’*
Appalled by girls’ behaviors around the training camps, CTCA head
Raymond Fosdick established a Committee on Protective Work for Girls in
September 1917. The group’s goal was not just to save girls from exploitadve
situadons but also to steer them into more “appropriate” gender and sexual
roles. The problem of khaki fever indicated the public’s recognidon that
female sexuality existed even among respectable girls of the white middle
class, and, if left uncontrolled, it threatened the military through corrup-
don of its troops. Fosdick’s response to khaki fever demonstrated a fear
of charity girls who were diseased and promiscuous, even if they were not
technically prostitutes. Across the nation courtrooms and public opinion
labeled women who entered into casual sexual reladonships as prostitutes
whether or not they traded money for sex.’
Several women’s rights acdvists chaflenged the CTCA’s American Plan,
which provided a four-point program to reduce venereal disease in the
‘”‘ Elizabeth Lunbeck, “‘A New Generadon of Women’: Progressive Psychiatrists and the
Hypersexual Female,” Feminist Studies 15, no. 3 (1987): 514.
” Ibid., 535.
” For more on the construcdon of and reaction to “khaki fever,” see Angela Woollacott,
“‘Khaki Fever’ and Its Control: Gender, Class, Age and Sexual Morality on the Bridsh Home-
front in the First World War,” Journal of Contemporary History 29, no. 2 (1994): 3 2 5 ^ 7 ;
Brandt, No Magic Bullet, 81-82; Susan A. Miller, “Girls in Nature/the Nature of Girls:
Transforming Female Adolescence at Summer Camp, 1900-1939,” PhD diss.. University of
Pennsylvania, 2001, 23-28.
” The definidon of prosdtudon used by courts across the nadon during the Progressive Era
had less to do with economic exchange than with morality. See Ruth Rosen, The Lost Sister-
hood: Prostitution in America, 1900-1918 (Baldmore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press,
1982); Peiss, Cheap Amusements; and Thomas C. Mackey, Red Lights Out: A Legal History
of Prostitution, Disorderly Houses and Vice Districts, 1870-1917 (New York: Gariand, 1987).
Sexuality and Women in San Antonio 465
military. The plan included educational curricula, medical treatment for
infected soldiers, wholesome recreation, and law enforcement for those who
fiouted restrictions against sexual behavior. Eeminists of the day noted that
women often were detained or punished rather than treated for venereal
disease and then set free, as men were. In other words, the plan left women
vulnerable, while men’s behaviors were forgiven in the interest of a quick
cure. Dissent emerged as part of a history of women’s dissatisfaction with
the double standard, as expressed by the reaction to Britain’s Contagious
Diseases Acts of the 1860s, the American purit)’ movement of the 1880s,
or ASHA pioneer Prince Morrow’s early work on syphilis. In a 1910 nurs-
ing textbook, for example, Lavinia Dock voiced her disenchantment with
Britain’s policies against contagious disease. She argued: “Punishments
meted out to the women were chiefiy hypocritical or vindictive, not in the
least preventive.””* These arguments, chiefly criticizing police-sponsored
or regulated prostitution, also applied to the way in which the detention
and punishment of prostitutes adversely affected both women’s rights and
the cause of social health. She disapproved of the British system, which al-
lowed men medical treatment and continued access to women but punished
women for acquiring venereal diseases. Her arguments echoed those made
by Morrow, who theorized in 1901 that regulated prostitution discriminated
against women. Notably, Morrow and Dock both feared that male police
officers could abuse their power over economically, politically, and legally
vulnerable women.”
Extrapolating from Dock’s work, Edith Houghton Hooker best ar-
ticulated the feminist critique of the American Plan. Hooker, who studied
medicine at Johns Hopkins University before pursuing a career in social
work, was dedicated to both sex education and woman suffrage, and she
saw the plan’s implementation as destroying women’s health as well as
their political and legal power. Hooker picked apart the navy’s arguments
supporting medical prophylaxis. She argued that the navy’s claim that
treatment had a 99.6 percent success rate was false, especially considering
the challenges that soldiers faced in getting treatment in time. Foremost,
she argued that the medical treatment policy diat the military had adopted
‘* Lavinia Dock, Hygiene and Morality: A Manual for Nurses and Others, Givinj; an Out-
line of the Mcdieal, Soeial, and Le^gal Aspects of Venereal Diseases (New York: G. P. Putnam’s
Sons, 1910), 59.
” Prince A. Morrow, “The Prophylaxis of Venereal Diseases: Medical Aspects of the Social
Evil in New York,” Philadelphia Medical Journal 7(1901): 663-69. For more on protection
versus punishment of girls, see Judith Walkowitz, Prostitution and Victorian Society: Women,
Class, and the State (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980), 249-56.
Brandt, No Maie Bullet, 111. This is certainly an overestimate. The military’s own
propaganda noted contradictory success rates as well as contradictory instructions regarding
how soon a soldier must receive treatment.
466 COURTNEY Q. SHAH
was merely a new form of regulated prostitution in which men remained
at Uberty while women were detained. The double standard. Hooker com-
plained, was safe. “A man cannot have promiscuous intercourse alone. It
is therefore obviously illogical and ethically unsound for the government
to propose a system of repression directed at one sex alone. “^’
Hooker turned the government’s patriotic justification on its head, stating
that “every prostitute is a potential worker and mother” and reaffirming
the importance of afl women to the war effort and the nation’s future. ^
Women’s contributions were lauded in the propaganda but not considered
equal to men’s. In addition, their subordinate status, both economically
and politically, made them more vulnerable to state intervention in their
lives. Gender played a significant role: women, especially young and socially
or economically marginalized women, lacked political standing that men
possessed when confronting the power ofthe state.
ASHA continued its involvement in girls’ protective work as well as the
educational measures that accompanied it. In March 1918 the Social Hygiene
Bulletin warned ofthe dangers of “the lure ofthe uniform” and praised
the work ofthe Committee on Protective Work for Girls. ASHA and the
CTCA developed educational programs aimed at girls and their mothers.
In Atianta, Georgia, the committee went so far as to open a free ward and
dispensary for the treatment of “delinquent” girls.^’ Efforts to improve
girls’ understanding of sexuality and its dangers expanded tremendotisly in
the military emergency. Besides education, though, another method took
the forefront: detention.
GIRLS’ DETENTION HOMES
San Antonio was one of many cities that denied fteedom to women suspected
of sexual immorality in the name of the war effort through mass arrests
and the establishment of detention homes. It is not surprising that wartime
policies pitted government policy against women’s rights. Federal and local
authorities remained skeptical of many Progressive women’s organizations
because they had been closely tied to the peace movement. Yet women-led
peace organizations such as Jane Addams’s Women’s International League
for Peace and Freedom were avoided by moderate women who embraced
preparedness campaigns to demonstrate their commitment and contribution
‘ Edith Houghton Hooker, “A Criticism of Venereal Prophylaxis,” Journal of Social
Hygiene A, no. 2 (1918): 192.
” Ibid., 191.
^’ “Miss Miner Discusses Plans ofthe Committee on Protective Work for Girls, Created by
the C.T.C.A.,” Social Hygiene Bulletin, March 1918, folder 178:3, American Social Hygiene As-
sociation Papers, Social Welfare History Archives Center, University’ of Minnesota, Minneapolis.
Sexuality and W
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Lab 4, please refer to the screenshots at the bottom of the word document.
Data Sheet: Activity – Enzymes
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Name
Course
Date
Bio-103
10/15/2022
Activity Data Code
ZCM
Procedure I – Enzyme Reaction Rate – Concentration Dependence
Complete the tables below using your data and information found under the Background tab (see the Summary of Needed Formulas section)
4
TableTop Science All Rights Reserved
1
TableTop Science All Rights Reserved
Trial
Concentration
Level
Oxygen
Concentration
Change Data (ppt)
Elapsed
Time
(s)
Enzyme
Reaction Rate
(ppt/s)
1
2.5%
4.70
20.0
2
5.0%
9.40
20.0
3
10%
18.80
20.0
Observations and Questions
[1]
Sample Calculation: Show your enzyme reaction rate calculation for Trial 1.
[2] Convert enzyme concentrations of 2.5%, 5.0%, and 10% to ppt units.
[3] For Procedure I/Table I, identify:
Independent variable:
Dependent variable:
Control variables:
[4] Draw a graph of the independent variable on the x-axis (abscissa) and the dependent variable on the y-axis (ordinate). Label the axis titles and units.
Procedure II – Enzyme Reaction Rate – Temperature Dependence
Complete the tables below using your data and information found under the Background tab (see the Summary of Needed Formulas section)
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Trial
Temperature
(C)
Oxygen
Concentration
Change Data (ppt)
Elapsed
Time
(s)
Enzyme
Reaction Rate
(ppt/s)
1
20.0
6.63
20.0
2
30.0
13.34
20.0
3
55.0
2.08 ppt
20.0
Observations and Questions
[5]
Sample Calculation: Show your enzyme reaction rate calculation for Trial 1.
[6] Using the data you reported in the Table above, describe the effect of temperature on the reaction rate.
Procedure III – Enzyme Reaction Rate – pH Dependence
Complete the table below using your data and information found under the Background tab (see the Summary of Needed Formulas section)
Trial
pH
Level
Oxygen
Concentration
Change Data (ppt)
Elapsed
Time
(s)
Enzyme
Reaction Rate
(ppt/s)
1
6.0
5.71
20.0
2
7.0
9.40
20.0
3
9.0
1.27
20.0
Observations and Questions
[7]
Sample Calculation: Show your enzyme reaction rate calculation for Trial 1.
[8] Choose either a bar graph or a line graph format and plot the data for Procedures II and III. Plot the data for each Procedure on a separate plot.
[9] Compare the plot of the data for Procedures I, II, and III. Describe the differences among the three plots.
[10] What conclusions can draw about the effects of concentration, temperature and pH on the reaction rate after comparing the plots from the three different Procedures?
[11] Choose one of the factors that impacts reaction rate (concentration, temperature, or pH) and, in your own words, provide a plausible biological explanation for your experimental results for that factor.
Procedure I Enzyme Reaction Rate Concentration Dependence Screenshots:
Procedure II Enzyme Reaction Rate Temperature Dependence
Screenshots:
Procedure III Enzyme Reaction Rate pH Dependence
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